ABOUT THIS BLOG

I shall post videos, graphs, news stories, and other material there. We shall use some of this material in class, and you may review the rest at your convenience. You will all receive invitations to post to the blog. (Please let me know if you do not get such an invitation.) I encourage you to use the blog in these ways:
To post questions or comments about the readings before we discuss them in class;
To follow up on class discussions with additional comments or questions.
To post relevant news items or videos.

There are only two major limitations: no coarse language, and no derogatory comments about people at the Claremont Colleges.


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Monday, May 6, 2019

Finishing

The contemporary relevance of Profiles.  Dana Milbank in The Washington Post:
The landing of the Mueller report after the administration’s initial misdirection revived a debate about whether President Trump’s actions are impeachable.
But we don’t have to wonder. A president already has been impeached for something similar.
In 1868, the House impeached President Andrew Johnson because of his firing of Edwin Stanton as secretary of war and, at root, Johnson’s thwarting of Reconstruction. But Article X against Johnson (the Senate eventually acquitted him of all charges) seems written for the current moment:
Johnson, “unmindful of the high duties of his high office and the dignity and proprieties thereof,” it said, sought “to bring into disgrace, ridicule, hatred, contempt and reproach, the Congress of the United States.” On several occasions, it added, Johnson declared “with a loud voice certain intemperate, inflammatory and scandalous harangues, and did therein utter loud threats and bitter menaces” against Congress and U.S. laws “amid the cries, jeers and laughter of the multitudes then assembled.
AFTER THE SIMULATION AND THE WHOLE COURSE, I HOPE YOU HAVE A DEEPER APPRECIATION FOR OUR CLASS ANTHEM.

Mixed opinions on civility and compromise

Norris
Congress and Progressive Reforms

16th Amendment
17th Amendment


Taft
On October 29, 1940, Congressman Lyndon Johnson happened to be in President Franklin Roosevelt’s office when FDR’s isolationist ambassador to London, Joseph Kennedy—at whom Roosevelt was furious for his freelancing and his insufficient outrage against Adolf Hitler—returned to the United States. LBJ omits the detail that as FDR invited Kennedy by telephone for dinner, he drew his finger across his throat, razor fashion. Johnson twits Roosevelt for his indifference to civil rights, contrasting that unfavorably with LBJ’s own record.
I was with President Roosevelt the day he fired Joe Kennedy. He picked up the phone and said, “Hello, Joe, are you in New York? Why don’t you come down and have a little family dinner with us tonight?” Then he hung up and said, “That son of a bitch is a traitor. He wants to sell us out.” Well, Kennedy did say Hitler was right.
Anyway, Roosevelt didn’t have any Southern molasses compassion. He didn’t get wrapped up in going to anyone’s funeral. Roosevelt never submitted one civil rights bill in twelve years. He sent Mrs. Roosevelt to their meetings in their parks, and she’d do it up good. But President Roosevelt never faced up to the problem.
Inherent limitations of Congress:
  • Except in simulation, legislation is slow. (And swift action is not necessarily smart action.)
  • In a body resting on geographic representation, parochialism is inevitable. (And it is often legitimate.)
  • A multi-member, bicameral institution will have a hard time planning.  (And planning is overrated.)

 Although the public good was the indirect beneficiary of his sacrifice, it was not that vague and general concept, but one or a combination of these pressures of self-love that pushed him along the course of action that resulted in the slings and arrows previously described. It is when the politician loves neither the public good nor himself, or when his love for himself is limited and is satisfied by the trappings of office, that the public interest is badly served.
... 
This is not to say that courageous politicians and the principles for which they speak out are always right. John Quincy Adams, it is said, should have realized that the Embargo would ruin New England but hardly irritate the British. Daniel Webster, according to his critics, fruitlessly appeased the slavery forces, Thomas Hart Benton was an unyielding and pompous egocentric, Sam Houston was cunning, changeable and unreliable. Edmund Ross, in the eyes of some, voted to uphold a man who had defied the Constitution and defied the Congress. Lucius Lamar failed to understand why the evils of planned inflation are sometimes preferable to the tragedies of uncontrolled depression. Nor-
ris and Taft, it is argued, were motivated more by blind isolationism than Constitutional principles.

Wednesday, May 1, 2019

Congressional History, Continued

Yes, the House can impeach a member of the cabinet.

More from Joanne Freeman:

 

The Compromise of 1850

Webster 1/26/1830:
 Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original luster, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as, “What is all this worth?” nor those other words of delusion and folly, “Liberty first and Union afterward”; but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart—Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one and inseparable!
Daniel Webster, 3/7/1850 (during the South Carolina secession crisis):
I wish to speak to-day, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a Northern man, but as an American, and a member of the Senate of the United States. It is fortunate that there is a Senate of the United States; a body not yet moved from its propriety, not lost to a just sense of its own dignity and its own high responsibilities, and a body to which the country looks, with confidence, for wise, moderate, patriotic, and healing counsels. 
Thomas Hart Benton and pistols in the Senate (Freeman 154-156)




KANSAS-NEBRASKA

 

You want polarization? Here's some polarization. Representative Preston Brooks of South Carolina beats Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts

 .

Lincoln-Douglas debate (24:32)

Houston -- end of chapter 5 "I refuse to take this oath"

Congress and the Civil War

The Lincoln movie and parliamentary procedure


 

The Lincoln movie, more generally...

The congressional oath of office dates from this era.

Background on the impeachment process.

Andrew Johnson impeachment.

See the Tenth Article of Impeachment:
[Johnson did] make and deliver with a loud voice certain intemperate, inflammatory and scandalous harangues, and did therein utter loud threats and bitter menaces as well against Congress as the laws of the United States duly enacted thereby, amid the cries jeers and laughter of the multitudes then assembled and in hearing ... Which said utterances, declarations, threats, and harangues, highly censurable in any, are peculiarly indecent and unbecoming in the Chief Magistrate of the United States, by means whereof said Andrew Johnson has brought to high office of the President of the United States into contempt, ridicule, and disgrace, to the great scandal of all good citizens, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did commit, and was then and there guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

Monday, April 29, 2019

Congressional History and the Field of Blood

"All of American history comes from the Civil War. It is the most important event in our history. Everything before it led up to it, everything since, everything, is a consequence of it." -- Ken Burns


From Article I, section 2

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons.

Akhil Amar on the Three-Fifths Clause:
The radical vice of Article I as drafted and ratified was that it gave slaveholding regions extra clout in every election as far as the eye could see - a political gift that kept giving. And growing. Unconstrained by any explicit intrastate equality norm in Article I, and emboldened by the federal [3/5] ratio, many slave states in the antebellum era skewed their congressional-district maps in favor of slaveholding regions within the state. Thus the House not only leaned south, but also within coastal slave states bent east, toward tidewater plantations that grabbed more than their fair share of seats. ... The very foundation of the Constitution’s first branch was tilted and rotten.
And not just the first branch. The Article II electoral college sat atop the Article I base: The electors who picked the president would be apportioned according to the number of seats a state had in the House and Senate. In turn, presidents would nominate cabinet heads, Supreme Court justices, and other Article III judges.
Consequences of the Three-Fifths Clause.  From William Lee Miller, Arguing About Slavery:
Five of the first seven presidents were slaveholders [Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson], for thirty-two of the nation’s first thirty-six years forty of its first forty-eight, fifty of its first sixty four, the nation’s president was a slaveholder. The powerful office of Speaker of the House was held by a slaveholder for twenty-eight of the nation’s first thirty-five years. The president pro tem of the Senate was virtually always a slaveholder. The majority of the cabinet members and — very important — of justices of the Supreme Court were slaveholders. The slaveholding Chief Justice Roger Taney, appointed by slaveholding President Andrew Jackson to succeed the slaveholding John Marshall, would serve all the way through the decades before the war into the years of the Civil War itself; it would be a radical change of the kind slaveholders feared when in 1863, President Lincoln would appoint the anti-slavery politician Salmon P. Chase of Ohio to succeed Taney.










Adams




Territorial Expansion and Slavery

Calhoun denounces the "all men are created equal" line in the Declaration

Webster and Benton

The Field of Blood by Joanne Freeman (PO `84):

(start around 9:30)




Wednesday, April 24, 2019

Foreign Policy, Intelligence, and Political Courage

SJ Res 7 and Yemen

Federalist 70

Intelligence and Oversight: Hearings in the 1970s:
Treaties and International Agreements
  • Presidential power and Article II:" he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers."
    • US v. Curtiss-Wright (1936): "It is important to bear in mind that we are here dealing not alone with an authority vested in the President by an exertion of legislative power, but with such an authority plus the very delicate, plenary and exclusive power of the President as the sole organ of the federal government in the field of international relations -- a power which does not require as a basis for its exercise an act of Congress but which, of course, like every other governmental power, must be exercised in subordination to the applicable provisions of the Constitution."
  • International Law and Agreements: Effect on US Law
    • Article VI:  "This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding."
  • Treaties (US Senate)
    • CRS on Reservations:   "After the Senate has begun considering this resolution, amendments proposing to change the text of the treaty itself are no longer in order. Senators may amend the resolution of ratification, however, by attaching to it reservations, declarations, statements, or understandings that can affect the interpretation or implementation of the treaty."
  • Executive agreements
  • The Iran deal was neither a treaty nor an executive agreement (and note the addressee)
  • Congressional-executive agreements
  • CONGRESS HAS DELEGATED A GREAT DEAL OF POWER TO POTUS
JFK on the complexity of courage:
  • The pressure to "go along" -- but we "should not be too hasty in condemning all compromise as bad morals."
  • The pressure to seek reelection -- but lawmakers "who go down to defeat in a vain defense of a single principle will not be on hand to fight for that or any other principle in the future."
  • The pressure to serve interest groups -- but "they are the articulate few whose views cannot be ignored and who constitute the greater part of our contacts with the public at large, whose opinions we cannot know..."

Monday, April 22, 2019

War, Intelligence, Foreign Policy

On January 12, 1991, House Speaker Tom Foley (D-WA) and Republican Leader Bob Michel (R-IL) spoke about the impending Gulf War. Click for video of their remarks, so you can see what grownups look like:

Miles's Law and the Syria Airstrikes

Prologue:  Steps in launching a nuclear war

Hamilton in Federalist 8: "It is of the nature of war to increase the executive at the expense of the legislative authority."

Tocqueville, p. 126: "If the Union’s existence were constantly menaced, and if its great interests were continually interwoven with those of other powerful nations, one would see the prestige of the executive growing, because of what was expected from it and of what it did."

The Constitution:

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;
 To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;
To provide and maintain a navy;
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
Article II, section 2:
The President shall be commander in chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States;
CRS explains that a declaration of war has enormous legal consequences
[A] declaration of war automatically brings into effect a number of statutes that confer special powers on the President and the Executive Branch, especially concerning measures that have domestic effect. A declaration, for instance, activates statutes that empower the President to interdict all trade with the enemy, order manufacturing plants to produce armaments and seize them if they refuse, control transportation systems in order to give the military priority use, and command communications systems to give priority to the military. A declaration triggers the Alien Enemy Act, which gives the President substantial discretionary authority over nationals of an enemy state who are in the United States. It activates special authorities to use electronic surveillance for purposes of gathering foreign intelligence information without a court order under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. It automatically extends enlistments in the armed forces until the end of the war, can make the Coast Guard part of the Navy, gives the President substantial discretion over the appointment and reappointment of commanders, and allows the military priority use of the natural resources on the public lands and the continental shelf. 
There have been 11 declarations of war.

Use of military force abroad (usually without a declaration of war)

The War Powers Resolution

Iraq

SJ Res 7 and Yemen





The Iraq War Resolution

Sunday, April 21, 2019

Final Essay, Spring 2019

Answer one of the following:
  1. Take any of JFK’s “profiles in courage.” How might a critic disagree with the analysis? How does this story illustrate differences and similarities between the Congress of its time and the Congress of today?
  2. Should Congress amend the War Powers Resolution?  If not, explain why current law is superior to its alternatives.  If so, explain what changes you would make.  In your answer, take account of military and political tradeoffs.
  3. In light of the Mueller report, should the House of Representatives launch an impeachment inquiry?  In your answer, examine the legal, factual, and political issues, and ponder the A. JohnsonNixon and Clinton precedents. What are grounds for impeachment?  What are the potential risks and benefits to both parties?
  • Essays should be typed (12-point), double-spaced, and no more than four pages long. I will not read past the fourth page. 
  • Submit papers as Word documents, not pdfs.
  • Cite your sources. Use Turabian/Chicago endnotes
  • Watch your spelling, grammar, diction, and punctuation. Errors will count against you. Return essays to the Sakai dropbox by 11:59 PM, Wednesday, May 8. Papers will drop one gradepoint for one day’s lateness, a full letter grade after that.  

Wednesday, April 17, 2019

Domestic Policy

Distributive Politics

Earmarks and the Cunningham Bribe Menu (Davidson 405-407)



John Hudak at Brookings:
The removal of congressional earmarking does not make earmarking going away. It simply transfers that power and that practice from the legislative branch to the executive branch. Presidents—and their appointees—engage in pork-barrel politicking (earmarking) in the same way Congress does. Reforming the process in Congress by curtailing the practice of earmarking simply shifts that power more explicitly to a president and a cadre of unelected bureaucrats in government. Eliminating earmarking is a serious abdication of power by Congress which empowers a branch of government beyond what the Founders intended.
Regulatory Politics

Regulation and Its Cost (by CMC alum Richard Morrison)

Social Insurance (Theodore Marmor):
Social insurance, like commercial insurance, is about protection against financial risk. It is “insurance” in the sense that people contribute to a fund to protect themselves against unpredictable financial risks. These include outliving one’s savings in old age, the early death of a breadwinner, the onset of a disability that makes work difficult if not impossible, the high costs of acute illness, involuntary unemployment, and work-related injury. Yet unlike with commercial insurance, contributions are not prices in a market and thus do not depend on the contributor’s risk profile (unless commercial regulations say otherwise, in essence creating “social” insurance through the backdoor). Instead of a contract between an enrollee and an insurer, social insurance is a system of shared protection among the insured, most comparable to mutual insurance in the commercial realm, with contributions made in proportion to one’s market income. In social insurance, the “insurer”—whether a government agency or a corporate body with a joint labor-management board—is the agent of the contributing enrollees. And unlike commercial insurance, the social insurance “contract” mandates participation by law, since otherwise adverse selection would cause its unraveling.
Poverty Rate by Age

................18-64................65+

1959............17.0.............35.2
1969............08.7.............25.3
1979............10.9.............15.2
1989............10.2.............11.4
1999............10.1.............09.7
2009............12.9.............08.9
2017............11.2.............09.2

Credit Social Security for the decline in elder poverty

See how different the figures would be:

Social Security Dramatically Cuts Poverty Among Seniors










Image result for cost access quality health care


REVISITING A TOPIC FROM MARCH 6:



Policy Windows and  The Issue-Attention Cycle

Image result for issue-attention cycle

Monday, April 15, 2019

Pitzer alums and Congress!


Kara Eastman PZ '92, who was a social worker before entering the 2018 midterm race, is running for Congress again in 2020, presumably against incumbent Republican Rep. Don Bacon. In 2018, Eastman who ran on a platform that featured medicare-for-all was just two percentage points away from defeating Bacon in a Nebraska congressional district that voted for Trump.

Rep. Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (D-Fla.) PZ '93, CGU '96, also ran and won a very close race against incumbent Republican Carlos Curbelo.

Here is an article with more information about 7C alums who ran in the 2018 Congressional midterms.

Alum Runs for Congress

Andrea Drusch at McClatchy:
Democrat Candace Valenzuela, a 34-year-old Carrollton-Farmers Branch school board member, is launching a campaign Monday against Texas GOP Rep. Kenny Marchant, one of the party’s top targets in 2020.
She will face an uphill battle for her party’s nomination in Texas’ 24th district, where several high-profile Democrats are eyeing the race. The suburban north Texas seat has long been a conservative stronghold, but the region’s rapidly changing demographics have recently made it more competitive.
Valenzuela, whose mother is Mexican-American and father is African-American, hopes to capitalize on that in her bid against Marchant, a seven-term congressman who narrowly beat a poorly funded opponent in 2018.
...
Valenzuela brings a unique background to the campaign. She grew up in El Paso, where she was homeless at age three.

After her mother left the military, the family lost their home and bounced between staying with grandparents, a Mormon family that took them in and a homeless shelter. Valenzuela recalls sleeping in a bed made out of a kiddy pool outside of a convenience store for several days while they had no place to stay.
“Growing up I dealt with homelessness, with food insecurity, with trouble paying for bills,” said Valenzuela. She credited public school education, food stamps and housing assistance for helping her achieve a full-ride scholarship to Claremont McKenna College in California.
“I’m running for Congress because the opportunities there were there for me to succeed don’t seem like they’re there any more, or they’re under threat,” she added.
Operatives at the Democrats’ House campaign arm and EMILY’s List, a group that backs women who support abortion rights, say they’re still talking to a number of other more well-known candidates who are also considering the race.
The general election race would not be quixotic: Marchant won by just three points in 2018. 

Saturday, April 13, 2019

Power of the Purse


Constitutional Provisions

All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other Bills.”
— U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 7, clause 1

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;
-- U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 8, clause 12

“No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.”
— U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 9, clause 7

What follows would baffle a Martian.

Part 1: Authorization

Part 2: Appropriation
Part 3:  "The Budget Process" and key documents:




Part 4:  Mandatory and Discretionary Spending

Part 5:  Revenue Bills and RECONCILIATION (Straus ch. 5)

Part 6:  What happens if the US government defaults on the federal debt?


Revenues -- Where the money comes from:



The tax system is more progressive than most people realize (esp. slide 17):  

Tax expenditures

Outlays -- Where the money goes:




Budget tables:  function, subfunction, agency

No, we cannot balance the budget by catching Social Security fraud: only 13 people aged 112 or older are getting checks.

Deficit









Wednesday, April 10, 2019

Courts and Oversight



Z


Merrick Garland and "the Biden Rule" (Thurber 182)

Gorsuch and the nuclear option (Davidson 368-369)

Blue Slips and Senatorial Courtesy (Davidson, 369)

Suing the president... a Stag (Liz Wydra `98) explains it all:



Problems with oversight:

Capacity
Staffs.......1995.......2015

CRS.........746..........609
GAO.....4,572.......2,989
CBO.........214.........235

Hearings in the Contemporary Congress (Colbert at about 5:00).    See Thurber 135.



Hearing Prep


Mnuchin v. Waters, yesterday:





Graham and Barr, this morning:




How the Ways and Means Committee is asking for Trump's tax returns:

26 USC 6103
Upon written request from the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, the chairman of the Committee on Finance of the Senate, or the chairman of the Joint Committee on Taxation, the Secretary shall furnish such committee with any return or return information specified in such request, except that any return or return information which can be associated with, or otherwise identify, directly or indirectly, a particular taxpayer shall be furnished to such committee only when sitting in closed executive session unless such taxpayer otherwise consents in writing to such disclosure.
Subpoenas and Contempt of Congress

Monday, April 8, 2019

Congress and Courts


Ecclesiastes 1:9 New International Version (NIV)
What has been will be again,
what has been done will be done again;
there is nothing new under the sun.
The Ultimate Simulation:  The Stanford Prison Experiment








What happens when the court declares a law unconstitutional?

Statutory interpretation (Davidson 355-357): special ed cases




Checks on the Judiciary


  • Court-stipping (Davidson, 358-59) and Patchak v. Zinke

  • Impeachment:  most impeachment trials have involved judges

  • Court organization and administration

  • Constitutional amendments

  • Advice and Consent








    Compare Kavanaugh and Thomas:

    Thursday, April 4, 2019

    Simulation: Tonight and After

    Good work!  Tonight's floor session starts promptly at 6:30 PM in RN15.   Please arrange to finish no later than 9 PM.

    For Monday, please read Davidson, ch. 12.

    Peer evaluation: On Monday, April 8 (the Monday after simulation) please bring in a short memo in which you identify three or four Gov 101 participants who did a particularly good job. Give a couple of sentences to each person you name, explaining why she or he stood out. Give special attention to those who did their work behind the scenes. Please take some care with these memos. In addition to using them for evaluating the assignment, I save them so that I may quote them in future letters of recommendation. Peer evaluations are anonymous: please bring in hardcopy and do not put your own name on the sheet.

    Writeup: In analyzing your role in the simulation, please cover these points:
    • How well did your positions and goals match those of your real-life counterpart?
    • What methods did you use? In the circumstance that you dealt with, would your counterpart have done the same?
    • What obstacles did you face?
    • What did you achieve?
    • How did the simulation both resemble and differ from the real world?
    • Overall, what did you learn?
    You may include relevant supporting materials, such as: memoranda, bill drafts, or strategy notes. (Better yet, just refer to material that is already online, and provide the URLs.) Please be selective here: do not include everything, just the key items.
    • Essays should be double-spaced, and between 5 and 6 pages long. I will not read past the 6th page. (Supporting materials do not count against the page limit.) 
    • Submit the writeups as Word documents, not pdfs.
    • Cite outside sources with Turabian endnotes.
    • Watch your spelling, grammar, diction, and punctuation. Errors will count against you.
    • Return essays to the class Sakai dropbox by 11:59 PM, Friday April 19. Your grade for the simulation will drop one gradepoint for one day's lateness, a full grade after that.

    Wednesday, March 27, 2019

    Congress and Administration

    Limitation riders in the news today:  "If you don't like what's being said, change the conversation." -- Don Draper

    Very useful resources from Brookings:

    More on Nominations and Removals
    Congress "organizes" the executive:
    Regulation




    Congressional Review Act (Thurber, pp. 106-16)


    Monday, March 25, 2019

    Congress and the Bureaucracy: NAIL




    NAIL:   Nominations, Appropriations, Investigations, Legislation

    Nominations 
    Legislation:  Executive Branch Organization and Laws on Reporting 

    Calls for Adam Schiff to resign

    House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and White House counselor Kellyanne Conway call for Rep. Adam Schiff to resign because of his comments throughout the Mueller investigation stating that plenty of evidence existed proving that the President colluded with Russia.

    McCarthy:
    "[Schiff] owes the American public an apology...Schiff has met the standard that he has imposed on other members of Congress of when they should step back from their positions. He has exceeded that standard, and there is no question he should step down from the Intel chairmanship."


    Conway:
    "Adam Schiff should resign...He has no right as somebody who has been peddling a lie day after day after day unchallenged. Unchallenged and not under oath. Somebody should have put him under oath and said you have evidence, where is it?... He’s been on every TV show 50 times a day for practically the last two years, promising Americans that this president would either be impeached or indicted."

    This morning, Trump retweeted a Fox news clip that called for Schiff's resignation.

    https://www.politico.com/story/2019/03/25/kellyanne-conway-adam-schiff-resign-1234370
    https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/435578-conway-calls-on-schiff-to-resign-over-past-collusion-comments
    https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1110200331328208897

    "Welcome to the Minority"

    Melanie Zanona and Sarah Ferris at Politico:
    During the last two sessions of Congress, Democrat Bobby Rush and Republican Richard Hudson introduced legislation together to improve workforce-training programs.
    But this year, Rush altered the language to the bill and stripped out a previous key element: Hudson.

    “He reintroduced it, and he’s added all this money to it, and didn’t consult me,” the North Carolina Republican said.
    Hudson is among several frustrated Republicans who have lashed out at their Democratic colleagues in recent days, arguing that Democrats have shut them out of the legislative process by refusing to work cooperatively on bills — including some they once co-authored.
    Republicans claim Democrats, at the direction of their leadership, are determined to deny GOP incumbents any big victories heading into 2020 on a host of issues — from prescription drugs to immigration reform — and are dropping the bipartisan approach they seemed to promise during the last election.
    Democrats have one response: Welcome to the minority.

    Sunday, March 24, 2019

    Battle over Mueller's probe moves to Capitol Hill

    https://www.politico.com/story/2019/03/24/mueller-report-congress-impeachment-1233879The partisan battle over the results of special counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia investigation broke out within seconds of the Justice Department’s letter on “topline” findings reaching Capitol Hill on Sunday afternoon.


    Two things were quickly clear: first, the end of Mueller’s exhaustive two-year probe means the political war over whether to impeach President Donald Trump - a battle that has already begun to consume Congress since Democrats took control of the House in November - is only just beginning; and secondly, Mueller gave both sides enough to keep pounding their own message for weeks and months to come.


    For Republicans, the message from the Mueller report was clear and insistent - “The country needs to move on.” Meanwhile, Democrats immediately countered with “Release the whole Mueller report.” The struggle is now over which side wins that messaging war with the American public.

    Sim Schedule

    Spring 2019 Simulation 



    Schedule  

    PLEASE USE ONLY THE RESERVED ROOMS.

    Monday, April 1

    6:30-7:00 State of the Union and Democratic Response  Adams Hall, Davidson Lecture
    7:00-9:00  Committee meetings Kravis 101, 103

    Tuesday, April 2


    6:30-9:00   Committee hearings Kravis 161, 166

    Wednesday,  April 3


    6:30-9:00   Committee markups Kravis 161, 166

    Thursday, April 4


    6:30-9:00   Floor session  Roberts North 15



    Thursday, March 14, 2019

    House votes unanimously for public release of the Mueller report

    Today (Thursday, 3/14), the House voted 420-0 in support of a resolution "Expressing the sense of Congress that the report of Special Counsel Mueller should be made available to the public and to Congress." The resolution is non-binding and the Senate is under no obligation to consider it, but it could create extra political pressure on the Attorney General to release Mueller's findings publicly. While there were zero "no" votes, seven members were absent and four members voted "present": libertarian-leaning Republican Reps. Thomas Massie and Justin Amash, Trumpkin Rep. Matt Gaetz, and family-man Rep. Paul Gosar.

    Wednesday, March 13, 2019

    How to Ask Questions in a Hearing

    How to shred an unprepared witness:




     How to elicit useful information:

    Congress and the Executive II: Unilateral Power

    More on Vetoes.  See Newt Gingrich, Lessons Learned the Hard Way (1998):
    We had not only failed to take into account the ability of the Senate to delay us and obstruct us, but we had much too cavalierly underrated the power of the President, even a President who had lost his legislative majority and was in a certain amount of trouble for other reasons. I am speaking of the power of the veto. Even if you pass something through both the House and the Senate, there is that presidential pen. How could we have forgotten that? For me especially it was inexcusable, because when I was Republican whip during the Bush Administration one of my duties had been precisely to help sustain presidential vetoes.
    1.  Item Veto (Davidson 297)

    2.  Legislative veto and the Congressional Review Act (more after the break)

    Unilateral Power:  Executive Actions -- CURRENT ISSUE OF EMERGENCY





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